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European
Standing Committee
EU
Contribution to Achieving the UN Millennium Development Goals
(03/11/2005)
The
Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for International Development (Mr.
Gareth Thomas):
I welcome the opportunity to have what I am sure will be a rigorous and
good-natured debate, and to serve under your chairmanship, Mr. Bayley,
given your considerable interest in the issues that we shall be
discussing. I am genuinely delighted to be able to explore with the
Committee the outcomes of the millennium review summit. The European Union
played a critical and constructive role in securing a successful outcome
to the millennium review summit. Following the G8 summit at Gleneagles, it
was important to keep up the momentum.
I am
pleased therefore that the outcome document on development consolidated
almost all that we achieved at Gleneagles. In particular, it endorsed the
need to accelerate progress towards the millennium development goals,
acknowledging the special needs of
Africa.
We were especially pleased that agreement was reached on establishing a
peacebuilding commission by the end of the year. Such a major innovation
will address some of the critical weaknesses in the international response
to conflict. The establishment of an effective peacebuilding commission is
a priority for the
United
Kingdom and we will be working with the United Nations secretariat and the
office of the President of the General Assembly to take forward the
implementation of the commitment. On humanitarian emergencies, there is
now a consensus that the response of the international community needs to
be improved through more timely and predictable funding, and through the
development of stand-by capacities.
In New
York, European Union member states provided the bulk of the $150 million
that was pledged to reform the central emergency revolving fund. The
summit resolved to create a new human rights council to replace the
discredited commission on human rights and to strengthen the office of the
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. The Secretary-General of the United
Nations was given a mandate to address a longer-term reform of the UN
development architecture in line with proposals in his report “In Larger
Freedom”. More specifically on development, our key objective was to
secure global endorsement of the Gleneagles commitments on more and better
aid, including through multilateral debt relief and innovative sources of
finance. The development section of the outcome document reflects that.
The need
for urgency on all sides is underlined, as is the need for more ambition
in developing countries’ own national development strategies. The outcome
document reaffirms, too, the central principle that developing countries
must take primary responsibility for their own development, and that good
governance, anti-corruption policy and the rule of law must underpin that
development.
The
summit endorsed the G8 commitment to increasing aid volumes by
approximately $50 billion a year by 2010. During the financing for
development session of the millennium review summit, non-G8 countries
added their pledges of further aid. Through its welcome for the G8
multilateral debt relief proposals, the summit represented a broadening of
international support for that initiative, paving the way for agreement at
the International Monetary Fund and World Bank annual meetings in
Washington a week later.
The
efforts of the United Kingdom and others to develop innovative financing
mechanisms, such as the international finance facility, also gained
broader international support through the explicit endorsement in the
outcome document of the value of such initiatives for frontloading
resources for development. HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other
health issues were dealt with specifically, and in line with G8
commitments on reaching as close as possible to universal access to
treatment by 2010. There are now global commitments to provide substantial
funding for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and
to achieve universal access to reproductive health by 2015.
Given
the UK’s focus on Africa during our G8 and EU presidencies, we welcome the
recognition given at the summit to the special needs of
Africa.
The outcome document emphasises the centrality of the New Partnership for
Africa’s
Development as the framework for action. Coherence issues, such as the
environment and trade, were not overlooked, but it was recognised that
they have to be dealt with in other international more appropriate forums.
On climate change, the Montreal conference of the parties to the UN
framework convention on climate change will take place later this month.
On trade, there is clearly more work to be done ahead of the World Trade
Organisation’s ministerial talks in Hong Kong in December. The Government
will obviously be playing a full part to ensure a successful conclusion to
the Doha development agenda.
Taken
together, the agreements on development reached at the millennium review
summit confirmed a recognition of the urgency of making faster progress
towards the millennium development goals, and demonstrated a commitment to
do so. However, a lot remains to be achieved.
The
Chairman (Mr Hugh Bayley):
We now have until half-past 3 for questions to the Minister. I remind
Members that their questions ought to be brief and address only one
subject, because there will be ample opportunity for Members to ask more
than one question.
2.50 pm:
Sitting
suspended for a Division in the House.
On
resuming—
Mark
Simmonds
(Boston and Skegness)
(Con): May I join the Minister in saying how pleased I am to see you in
the Chair, Mr. Bayley, bearing in mind your particular areas of interest
in this part of Government policy?
The
European Union Committee report on the European Union’s role at the
millennium review summit stated that the
“EU
needs to deploy its diplomatic outreach to countries in
Asia,
Africa
and Latin America”.
Will the
Minister explain how that squares with the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office’s policy of closing embassies in those parts of the world?
Mr.
Thomas:
As the hon. Gentleman knows full well, there a number of ways and a number
of forums in which one has discussions with foreign Governments. His party
has consistently urged Government to review the way in which we spend our
money and to prioritise more. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office has made
a number of judgments and there will be similar judgments to make about
our aid programme and how we focus our people and resources to best
effect.
Through
the European Community, which has delegations around the world, and our
current presidency, it was possible to explore the position of the
European Community in the run-up to the millennium review summit. That was
done not only by our embassies and our Department for International
Development offices, but through EC delegations making the case strongly
to the Governments of those other countries. The success of the summit—I
believe it was a success—is reflected in the success of that combined
lobbying effort by the European Community.
Kelvin
Hopkins
(Luton,
North)
(Lab): May I, too, say how pleasurable it is to serve under your
chairmanship for the first time, Mr. Bayley.
I will
ask my hon. Friend the Minister a question about trade. The documents make
much of the importance of fair trade. In that spirit, would it not be
sensible now to seek a much earlier than planned abolition of export
subsidies and to open up developed countries’ markets to the products of
the poorer African, Caribbean and Pacific countries?
Mr.
Thomas:
My hon. Friend will know, since he and I were elected on the same
manifesto, that the Government have a commitment to try to persuade the
European Community to abolish its export subsidies by 2010.
2.53 pm:
Sitting
suspended for a Division in the House.
On
resuming—
The
Chairman:
Order. It may help members of the Committee if I say that I intend to
continue the question period until 4 pm. According to Standing Orders, if
there are no further Divisions, we could, depending on how many people
wish to participate, continue with debate until
5.30 pm.
Mr.
Thomas:
My hon. Friend the Member for
Luton,
North (Kelvin Hopkins) asked in the first part of his question about
export subsidies. He will know that there is a shared commitment across
the European Community to end export subsidies. The trade negotiator for
the European Commission, Peter Mandelson, is seeking to achieve the end of
export subsidies not just in the European Community but in other key
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries such as
the
United
States of America.
The ending of export subsidies is a key issue in the current negotiations,
which I hope will culminate in a successful
Hong
Kong
ministerial meeting in December.
Andrew
George
(St. Ives)
(LD): I should be grateful if the Minister would acknowledge that,
collectively, all eight millennium development goals and all 18 targets
are, at the present rate of progress, about a millennium—some 1,000
years—behind target. Bearing that in mind, which of the international
forums—EU, G8 or UN—does the Minister believe to be the most useful for
addressing that serious failure of the global community, and what single
action could the global community take to get the millennium development
goals back on target?
Mr.
Thomas:
I shall try to answer the hon. Gentleman’s questions. All the forums that
he listed have a responsibility and a role to play in accelerating
progress towards meeting the millennium development goals. Clearly, the UN
is important in setting the agenda, and the millennium review summit with
its objective of being a development summit is hugely important in forcing
all the international community, not just the G8 leaders, to think about
the issues and to consider what we can do collectively, as an
international community, to raise our game. The G8 and the European Union
are important in providing the resources for leaders of those countries to
deploy in the cause of development. Given our chairmanship of the G8 and
the European Union this year, we were obviously determined to try to put
Africa
centre stage in the run-up to the millennium review summit; to galvanise
more resources for development and debt relief; and to begin the process
of getting some momentum into the trade talks.
It is
fair to say that until July the talks were pretty much stalled. We have
succeeded in making progress on aid and debt relief, although one can
always do more. In terms of trade, we will have to wait for the outcome of
the Hong Kong ministerial talks. I believe that the offer by the United
States and subsequent offers by the EU are positive signs. But it is
undoubtedly true that there is a considerable way to go before we can have
confidence that the Hong Kong talks will produce the outcome that we
collectively want to see on both sides of the House.
Mr. Andy
Reed
(Loughborough)
(Lab/Co-op): In terms of specifics, I accept what the hon. Member for St.
Ives (Andrew George) says about the enormous gap between our target with
the millennium development goals and where we are now. I was pleased, from
a European perspective, that there seems to be a greater targeting of the
increase we are likely to see—with some 50 per cent., I believe, going to
Africa.
Can the Minister confirm whether that is 50 per cent. of all moneys, or 50
per cent. of the additional growth? My worry would be that, at present, we
have the problem in
Europe
of where the current money is going. It is welcome to see 50 per cent.
going to Africa, but is it 50 per cent. of the total or just the increase
that we are likely to see between now and then?
Whichever figure it is, what assessment has the Minister made of the
impact that that will have, perhaps in a number of years or in cash terms,
in reducing the current gaps with the millennium development goals?
Mr.
Thomas:
On my hon. Friend’s last point, the speed and success we have in making
progress toward the millennium development goals obviously depends on how
that aid is used. On his point about EU and EC assistance and how that is
divided up—the balance between the funding that goes to low-income
countries and other, slightly richer, countries—let me try to separate out
what the EU does in the form of bilateral monies from that which the
European Community does. There has been a long-standing effort by the
British Government to increase the amount of money from the European
Community’s assistance—its main external relations budget—that goes to
low-income countries. In 2004, some 55 per cent. of money from that source
went to them; our goal is to see it getting closer to 70 per cent.
My hon.
Friend may well also be aware that there is a European development fund—a
separate, not-on-budget fund—available for the ACP countries;
predominantly Africa, but also in the Caribbean and Pacific. I hesitate to
say that it is over 90 per cent., but it is very close to that proportion
of the resources from the ninth EDF going to the poorest countries. We
want that to continue when the 10th EDF is negotiated.
In terms
of the bilateral assistance to which European nations have committed, my
hon. Friend is right that of the additional $50 billion that will be
available, some $40 million has been committed by European nations. We
believe that there is a successful commitment to ensure that 50 per cent.
of that goes to Africa.
The
Chairman:
I remind colleagues that they should be asking quite short questions, with
short answers.
Mark
Simmonds:
Thank you, Mr. Bayley. Does the Minister believe that the British taxpayer
currently makes a more significant contribution to meeting the millennium
development goals, and alleviating poverty, through bilateral aid or aid
going through the European Union?
Mr.
Thomas:
Four or five years ago, I would have unequivocally said that the money
going through the British Government’s Department for International
Development was by far the more effective. The bulk of it was targeted at
the poorest countries, and hon. Members will be aware of the excellent
reputation of DFID staff for allocating money effectively.
Similarly, there have been considerable concerns across the House about
the quality of European Community aid. There has been, however, a
substantial effort over the last few years to increase the quality of EC
aid. We want to see further reforms to the effectiveness of aid. We want
to speed up further the European Community’s ability to get aid to where
it is needed quickly. As I stated in my answer to my hon. Friend the
Member for Loughborough (Mr. Reed), we want to see an increase in the
proportion of the European Community’s aid to low-income countries.
Andrew
George:
Is the international community talking with forked tongue? On the one
hand, through the EU, the UN and the G8 summit, it talks the language of
aid, debt relief and getting trading relationships into the right
dimension; on the other, through the IMF, the international community
lumbers developing countries with conditions of governance that limit the
number of civil servants—nurses, teachers and doctors—whom they can employ
to deliver development programmes. Does the Minister not accept that the
international community must not say one thing on the one hand while
constraining development on the other?
Mr.
Thomas:
The IMF is sometimes a convenient target with which to cover up poor
economic and political governance and the responsibilities of individual
nations to improve their economic climate. The hon. Gentleman alludes to
the need to strike a balance between investing in public services in
developing countries and ensuring a sound economic climate. The IMF
continues to have an important role to play in helping developing
countries, and, where their economies have significant economic problems,
in helping them to sort their economies out.
Economic
stability is crucial if the private sector is to grow and trade is to
develop in the fundamental way that we know will achieve sustainable
routes out of poverty. One must be careful about attacking the IMF; it has
a key role to play.
Jeremy
Wright
(Rugby
and
Kenilworth)
(Con): I am grateful to hear the Minister say that European Union-directed
and funded aid is improving, and that there are improvements in respect of
the destination of that aid. Is the European Union getting the balance
right between the big-ticket items, which are more glamorous and
attractive, and the smaller-ticket items, which are more useful? I am
thinking of water purification projects and projects that require
sustained funding, but which are less impressive for the EU to latch on to
immediately. If that balance is not right, what do the Government intend
to do about it?
Mr.
Thomas:
The hon. Gentleman asks an interesting question. Through discussions among
EU Development Ministers about the future development policy of the EU, we
are considering exactly that issue. The European Community must continue
to concentrate on where its aid can add value. Specific projects such as
water purification about which the hon. Gentleman talks are best done
bilaterally, although there is a role for the European Community to
continue to encourage developing countries and other developed nations to
provide more resources for water. It has a particular value in providing
budget support to developing countries and funding for big infrastructure
projects. It is one of the few large donors with expertise in that area.
The
European Community should not develop a series of small AIDS projects. It
can add value on the issue of AIDS through its funding of the Global Fund
to Fight Tuberculosis, AIDS and Malaria.
Mark
Simmonds:
As the Minister rightly said, prerequisites for meeting the millennium
development goals in many African countries are the rule of law and
stability. However, as a precursor there must be conflict resolution. At
the end of the millennium development goals summit in September, the
proposed peace-building commission was announced, which it was said would
be in operation by 31 December. Is it still on target? If not, why not,
and when will it be operational? If it is on target, what operations will
it undertake first?
Mr.
Thomas:
Having obtained agreement on the principle of a peace-building commission,
detailed discussions are now necessary on the commission’s exact role, how
it will work with the peace-building fund, for which agreement has also
been obtained, and how the staffing arrangements will be organised to
support the Commission’s work. Intensive discussions are taking place in
New York to get those arrangements right and we are still optimistic that
we will meet the end-of-the-year deadline for the commission.
Some of
the commission’s first streams of work will be to consider where it can
play a key role. One country where the commission, had it been
established, might have played a role is Sierra Leone, where, when the
civil war had come to an end, a peace-building commission could have
helped to galvanise international attention and to keep the international
community’s focus on the development needs of Sierra Leone long after the
television cameras had disappeared.
There
may still be a role for the peace-building commission in Sierra Leone, but
first, the arrangements must be set up and the objectives outlined in the
summit document must be made reality with the establishment of the
commission. There is a further discussion to have about what exactly its
first tasks will be.
Andrew
George:
I want to probe the Minister further on the IMF. It is easy for him to say
that it is a convenient target for people who do not like such
multilateral international institutions, but, despite the laudable words
from the EU, G8 and the UN, he must accept that the practical day-to-day
constraint on many countries, especially African counties, with an IMF
contract also constrains the number of nurses and doctors they can employ.
The only way of overcoming that is for non-governmental organisations and
independent agencies to deliver the AIDS, malaria and TB programmes in
those countries using the Global Fund because those countries cannot do so
themselves.
The
Minister must accept that that needs to be considered. Otherwise,
developing countries will not develop their own capacity to enhance their
health services.
Mr.
Thomas:
I accept, for example, that the IMF’s record on some of its structural
adjustment programmes in the 1980s and 1990s was not always impressive.
The lessons learned from those experiences include recognition of the fact
that some conditions the IMF attached in the past were not always
appropriate. We have tried to persuade the IMF to review the conditions
that it attaches to its support, with some recent success. We will have to
see how the changes that the IMF has recently introduced work in practice.
It is
fair to say that one cannot use the IMF as a target for what is not going
right in developing countries. Political leaders must sometimes make
difficult choices—perhaps to prioritise health care and education rather
than focusing on military expenditure or other choices. Political leaders
must make those decisions in their own way in their own countries.
Mr.
Gordon Prentice
(Pendle)
(Lab): The NHS is full of doctors and nurses from the
Philippines,
Botswana, south Asia and elsewhere. How do we prevent or discourage
qualified medical and dental personnel from the developing world from
leaving to seek better paid jobs in the developed world?
Mr.
Thomas:
We can do a number of things. We can try to ensure that the NHS does not
directly recruit people from developing countries that have a shortage of
nurses. My hon. Friend will be aware of the code of practice in the NHS,
which we have recently strengthened to include those private sector
organisations that supply nurses and doctors to the NHS. He is right that
we should consider the circumstances in the developing country to find out
what incentives people have to leave their country.
We
recently funded further investment in the health sector in Malawi, so that
the pay of nurses and doctors can be increased significantly. Initial,
anecdotal evidence shows that that is having an impact in slowing the rate
of people leaving and possibly helping to increase recruitment of nurses
to the Malawian health service. The money that we have given has only just
started to have an impact since April, so it is too early to say how
successful it has been. The Malawian Minister of Health was positive about
the programme to date.
Mr. Lee
Scott
(Ilford, North)
(Con): In certain African countries, information technology is now being
used in education, especially in primary education, including distance
learning projects with European Union countries. What knowledge does the
Minister have of that and how is it coming along?
Mr.
Thomas:
There is definitely a role for information technology, especially in the
training of teachers. There is a more fundamental problem for primary
education in
Africa,
which is that a huge number of children are out of school. That requires
decisions by Governments in developing countries to abolish user fees,
which are often a significant deterrent to children going to school. The
international community must also support those countries by providing
additional resources.
The most
recent example is
Burundi,
whose Government took the decision to abolish user fees. Britain has given
£2 million to help them to provide extra teachers and classrooms to meet
the huge demand for primary education in Burundi.
Mark
Simmonds:
The Minister will be aware that Conservative Members support the heavily
indebted poor countries initiative. He will also be aware that a sizeable
proportion of the EU’s aid growth is down to debt relief, and is not new
money for aid. What is the Government’s position? Are the Minister and the
Secretary of State trying to persuade their colleagues and counterparts in
European Governments to change this policy? Are the UK Government using
additional growth in aid money to support the HIPC initiative?
Mr.
Thomas:
We have always made it clear that the UK’s contribution to debt relief
moneys comes out of the development budget. We think that debt relief and
direct assistance are both useful tools to tackle poverty. It is for other
countries in
Europe
to make their own judgments about the balance between direct development
assistance and debt relief. We think that the $55 billion debt relief deal
that the G8 leaders helped to initiate, and which the World Bank and the
IMF have endorsed, with up to 38 countries benefiting, including 18
immediately, is hugely important, but it must be seen as part of a
package, including more aid and fairer access to world markets for
developing countries.
Jeremy
Wright:
May I bring the Minister back to the subject of the international finance
facility? He will know that one of the drawbacks to such a facility is
that, although funding will be available up front—frontloaded, as he
said—money will not be available in the same amount in succeeding years.
Countries receiving such aid will have to have the financial planning
mechanisms in place to deal with that. How can that drawback be addressed?
Mr.
Thomas:
It will be addressed by countries adhering to their commitments to
increase their development budgets to meet the United Nations goal of 0.7
per cent. of national income spent on development assistance. We have been
clear in saying that the IFF is not a substitute for progress towards
achieving that goal. The IFF will enable those resources that are
committed over time to be frontloaded to help to speed up progress, which
all parties in the House recognise is necessary.
Andrew
George:
On the theme of the international community and those developed
countries—particularly at EU level—talking with forked tongue, the
Minister rightly highlighted in his opening remarks the significance of a
strong trading relationship with developing countries.
The EU
common agricultural policy is only partially reformed, and certainly not
to the degree that the Labour Government would like. Does the Minister
accept that, rather than concentrating on what the EU can do on aid and
debt relief, perhaps we should accept that the biggest assistance that
Europe can offer developing countries is further reform of the common
agricultural policy to ensure that production supports are completely
removed, so that European markets are properly opened up to developing
countries?
Mr.
Thomas:
I agree that we want further reform of the common agricultural policy, and
we have had success in negotiating reform. My right hon. Friend the
Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs achieved a good
outcome in the talks on CAP reform in June 2003. That helped to create the
negotiating space to allow the Trade Commissioner to make offers in the
way that he has done to get progress in the run-up to
Hong
Kong.
We need
to recognise that it is not only the EU that has a responsibility; a whole
series of other countries also have a responsibility to reduce tariffs and
increase market access for developing countries. We need to sequence the
EU’s commitments to reduce market access in order to leverage similar
reductions in tariffs and so on by countries such as the United States.
Andrew
George:
In his opening address, the Minister rightly referred to the United
Kingdom’s contribution to trying to kick-start the much-expanded UN
central emergency revolving fund. Although it does not have a direct
impact on the millennium development goals, it is fundamental to
underpinning the work that the goals are undertaking. That was a welcome
move, but there has been no proper multilateral, reciprocal donation to
that revolving fund. What action needs to be taken internationally? What
work is being undertaken at a European level to ensure that there is
parity of donation from other wealthy European and western countries? How
will the development of that revolving fund play from here?
Mr.
Thomas:
The fund, like a number of other things agreed at the millennium review
summit, needs detailed work done on how it would operate, and agreement
must be sorted in
New York.
We are optimistic that such agreement can be secured so that the fund is
ready to run from 1 January. At the millennium review summit, six
countries—Sweden,
Norway, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Switzerland and ourselves—together
pledged $160 million. That is a good start.
We know
that a number of other countries are considering making contributions to
the fund, as the details of how the fund will work become clear. Given the
Secretary of State’s advocacy of the fund, we will have a responsibility
to continue working with Jan Egeland, who heads the Office for the
Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs—the body that will operate the
fund—to make the case to other nations for more money. We sought to use
the EU Development Ministers’ informal meeting in
Leeds
last week as another opportunity to make the case for investment in that
fund.
Mr. Reed:
I welcome the recognition that we must improve the quality of aid and not
just the total amount; that is crucial. The Paris declaration on aid
effectiveness is welcome; the trouble is that it requires monitoring. Will
the Minister assure us that the monitoring will not amount simply to bean
counting that gets in the way, but will ensure the effectiveness of the
aid? Can he reassure us that we will get the balance right between those
two needs?
Mr.
Thomas:
The development assistance committee of the OECD carries out that process.
It initiates reviews of the quality of aid by different donors; it does
not bean-count, as my hon. Friend is worried it might. It looks at the
broader issues relating to the quality of aid, and the peer review
provides an opportunity to continue to increase the quality of aid.
Mark
Simmonds:
May I follow up the very good question from the hon. Member for
Loughborough? It is clear from document No. 8139 that, as part of the
additional sums that are coming through the European Union and will be
distributed, a significant additional amount will go into direct budgetary
support. As the Minister will be aware, there is some nervousness about
direct budgetary support. One of the mechanisms alongside the OECD is the
peer review mechanism, to which he referred. I think that only four
African countries are currently part of the peer review mechanism. What
progress is being made to encourage other African countries to join the
mechanism and to support them with the necessary confidence building and
expertise that they will require to join that group?
Mr.
Thomas:
From memory, some six countries are already committed to the peer review
mechanism process, to be completed by the end of the year, and another six
have identified themselves as wanting to be peer reviewed by the end of
2006. If I am wrong, I will add the question to the lengthy list of
questions that the hon. Gentleman has asked me on previous occasions,
about which I am in the process of writing to him. Given that it is a
relatively young process, that is an encouraging sign of progress and of
willingness to be subjected to international audit by developing
countries.
On
budget support more generally, we are clear that we must engage directly.
One does not simply hand over money as budget support and then walk away,
and not continue to monitor how it is spent. Often we will co-fund budget
support with an organisation such as the World Bank or with one of the
regional development banks, again so that we have confidence in the
quality of auditing the use of budget support moneys that we give.
Andrew
George:
In regard to the proportion of aid being provided to the developing
countries, the Minister knows that the United Kingdom Government have
expended £5 billion on the military effort in Iraq and that, at the end of
the year, the international community will have expended over $10 billion
on the reconstruction of Iraq. In view of the tens of millions of pounds
being offered to African and other countries and the serious shortfall, of
which the Minister is well aware, of $3.5 billion in the Global Fund, does
he believe that the United Kingdom’s response is in proportion? In other
words, is the proportion right between the enormous amount of money going
to
Iraq
and the relatively smaller amounts going to the other countries?
Mr.
Thomas:
I think that we have got the balance right. Substantial amounts of money
are needed for the development of a number of countries—far in excess of
the $5 billion quoted by the hon. Gentleman. Indeed, one of our successes
as a country, from the G8 and EU presidency process, and indeed from the
millennium review summit process, was to secure agreement to some $50
billion extra of development assistance, of which half will go to Africa
by 2010. We are not content with the success that we have had in that
area, or indeed on debt relief. That is why we are pushing for an
international finance facility. That is also why the launch of a
mini-version of the IFF, an IFF for immunisations, is so important in
sending a signal to other countries that the IFF concept works, can make a
real difference and should be supported.
Mr.
Prentice:
I have a question about HIV/AIDS. I recall a few years ago being in
Windhoek, Namibia and seeing council workmen putting the wall around a
cemetery that was already full up. Goal 8, target 17 states:
“In
cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, provide access to affordable
essential drugs in developing countries”,
and in
the bundle is a letter from the Secretary of State for International
Development, which mentions pressing for
“an
international agreement on universal access to AIDS treatment by 2010”.
Are the
pharmaceutical companies co-operating in those aims, and is it realistic
to say that we will hit the AIDS target by 2010?
Mr.
Thomas:
The pharmaceutical companies, particularly British ones, have been
generally helpful in substantially bringing down the price of
antiretroviral drugs. We want them to go further still, and continue to
work with them to encourage them in that direction.
On
whether the target of universal access by 2010 is achievable, we estimate
that at present 6 million people have full-blown AIDS and are in need of
antiretroviral drugs. Last year, the World Health Organisation launched an
initiative to get 3 million people on treatment by the end of 2005. We
believe that close to 2 million will be on treatment by the end of the
year. On the number of people getting access to antiretroviral drugs,
there are encouraging signs, particularly in sub-Saharan African, where
there has been a threefold increase in the past 12 months.
Clearly,
there is a lot more to do. The biggest problem is not drug prices but the
number of health workers available to support people through
antiretroviral treatment, an issue that my hon. Friend touched on in his
earlier question. That is why our experiment in
Malawi
is so important. If it works and we can replicate it in other developing
countries, we stand much more chance of achieving the universal access
commitment.
Mark
Simmonds:
It is clear that increasing aid packages, whether coupled or decoupled
with debt relief, will not be sufficient to get anywhere near meeting the
millennium development goals within the ambitious time scales. The only
way to get close to achieving the goals and significantly alleviating
poverty in Africa is by improving the international trading regime. I
realise that there is an important World Trade Organisation meeting in
Hong Kong in December, but could the Minister update us on where
specifically the UK Government and the European Union are on realigning
the rules of origin, the generalised system of preferences and the
existing tariff regime, which is so damaging to international trade?
Mr.
Thomas:
First, I do not believe that one should be completely unoptimistic about
the direction of travel in respect of the millennium development goals. It
is possible that we will achieve several goals in their entirety. However,
there are concerns about whether we will make as much progress as we want
to in sub-Saharan
Africa
in particular, and there are also concerns about achieving the goals in
other parts of the world.
Yes,
fairer trading rules are part of what is needed to make further progress,
but also required are commitments by the Governments of developing
countries to do what is necessary to prioritise their resources to meet
the millennium development goals.
The UK,
as one of 25 nations, continues to argue with the European Community for
further reform of the rules of origin. I believe that there will be
reform, but it remains to be seen whether we can persuade other countries
to go as far as we would like. We are working on the GSP arrangements. We
had hoped to have a speedier reform of the GSP to help us to act on
commitments more quickly after events such as the recent tsunami. It was
not possible to make progress as swiftly as we would have liked, but we
are continuing to push hard on that.
The hon.
Gentleman raised a third trade matter.
Mark
Simmonds:
Tariffs.
Mr.
Thomas:
The tariff regime. As the hon. Gentleman suggested, that is in the
melting-pot for the
Hong
Kong
talks, and we will see how things turn out. The Government are clear that
we want the European Community’s trade negotiators to push as hard as they
can to get as much market access as possible for developing countries. The
offers that Peter Mandelson has made and the counter-offer from the
Americans are important for giving the talks momentum, but I do not want
to suggest that a lot more work does not need to be done, because it
certainly does, if we are to get the outcome that we want.
Jeremy
Wright:
With reference to the Minister’s last answer, it is clear that, in order
to meet the millennium development goals, there will have to be a huge
pan-European Union effort. Are the Government confident that the other
Governments in
Europe
are as committed to getting the job done as they are, and does the
Minister think that the rest of the EC’s response to events such as the
recent Asian earthquake is encouraging?
Mr.
Thomas:
All the EU Governments signed up in June to new aid targets. Those targets
are public, so we shall be able to hold countries to account if they fail
to make as much progress as we hope. We are committed to continuing to
make the progress that we said we would make, in terms of achieving the
target of 0.7 per cent. However, we accept the hon. Gentleman’s main
thesis that the aid commitments that have been given are not on their own
enough to make the progress that is necessary to achieve the millennium
development goals.
That is
why the international finance facility continues to be such an important
potential tool. We have got agreement with the French, and we have the
support of 80 other nations around the world. We are continuing to make
the case for support of the IFF concept to other European nations—and,
indeed, to nations outside Europe. That some six countries supported the
IFF for immunisations is encouraging, and we shall see how things turn
out.
Andrew
George:
But to continue my theme of the international community speaking with
forked tongue, does the EU speak with a forked tongue to African countries
when it enters into bilateral agreements with them on fisheries? Senegal’s
artisanal fishery has been demolished as a result of its bilateral
agreement with the EU, and other African countries have also not been
helped by bilateral agreements. Is the Minister confident that the impact
of such bilateral agreements on fisheries has been properly assessed? What
does the Minister feel should be done to ensure that bilateral agreements
reflect the development needs of such countries?
Mr.
Thomas:
The hon. Gentleman will have to forgive me, but I will have to get back to
him on the specific question of fisheries, and the situation in terms of
the EU’s and the EC’s relationship with Senegal.
Illegal
fishing is clearly a huge problem. Fishing is a key industry for many
African countries, and the loss of revenue as the result of illegal
fishing is as important an issue as the problem of illegal logging in many
developing African countries, and in many developing countries per se.
We are
working on a regulation to help move the agenda forward in respect of
illegal logging. We are hopeful that, under our presidency, we will be
able to conclude an agreement on illegal logging. However, I shall come
back to the hon. Gentleman on illegal fishing.
Mark
Simmonds:
Can the Minister confirm that of the $48 billion pledged at the G8 summit
for debt relief, $30 billion is earmarked specifically for Iraq?
Mr.
Thomas:
There has been a popular misconception that the $55 billion potentially
available to heavily indebted poor countries includes money for Iraq.
There is a difference between the debt relief available under the heavily
indebted poor countries process and the Paris Club debt that has been
written off for Iraq and Nigeria. Those are two separate pockets of
sources for debt relief. The $55 billion is completely separate from the
Paris Club debt written off for Iraq and Nigeria.
Mr.
Prentice:
Very briefly, goal 3 is about gender equality and the empowerment of
women. Are we on track to meet that? How do we tackle the kind of cultural
issues that hold back women in many very poor countries? How do we begin
to address that?
Mr.
Thomas:
One thing that we have long called for, and that the European Union has
supported and pushed for in the millennium review summit, is a
reproductive health target. Frankly, we have had difficulties in
persuading other nations to go as far as we would like. However, there was
positive language in the millennium review summit outcome document, and
that clearly gives us a process on which to build.
On the
cultural changes necessary, the single most effective intervention that
one can make is in political leadership. We know that that matters hugely
for combating HIV and AIDS. Similarly, to empower women, political leaders
need to grasp the issue and consider what they can do to encourage more
women to come into politics in their countries. In Rwanda in particular,
there are encouraging signs; frankly, the number of women sitting in its
Parliament puts the UK Parliament to shame. That is one encouraging sign.
Political leadership is key to resolving such issues.
Motion
made, and Question proposed,
That the
Committee takes note of European Union Documents No. 8137/05, Commission
Communication on Policy Coherence for Development: Accelerating progress
towards attaining the Millennium Development Goals, No. 8138/05,
Commission Communication on Speeding up progress towards the Millennium
Development Goals—the European Union’s contribution, and No. 8139/05,
Commission Communication on Accelerating progress towards attaining the
Millennium Development Goals—Financing for Development and Aid
Effectiveness; and supports the Government’s view that the EU’s
recognition that its non-aid policies have an important impact on
developing countries’ prospects for growth and development, including
attaining the Millennium Development Goals; EU Member States’ commitments
to double annual EU aid to all developing countries by 2010, with at least
50 per cent. of the agreed increase going to
Africa,
and to achieve the 0.7 per cent. ODA/GNI target by 2015; and agreements on
increased aid effectiveness under the Paris Declaration, untying of aid,
trade-related assistance, multilateral debt relief and innovative
financing in line with the outcomes of the UN Millennium Review Summit to
take stock of progress towards the Millennium Development Goals.—[Mr.
Thomas.]
Mark
Simmonds:
I should like to make sure that the House understands that the
Conservative party supports the aspirations set out in the millennium
development goals, those set out at the G8 summit and the Government’s
target of spending 0.7 per cent. of GDP on aid by 2013. We also support
the EU target of spending a collective average of 0.56 per cent. by 2010
and the HIPC initiative, which we discussed earlier.
However,
we are deeply concerned about the ability of the Government, the European
Union and the United Nations to deliver on the promises set out at the
initial conference in 2000. At the bottom of page 9, document 8138/05
states:
“Estimates show that many African countries will not be able to reach the
MDGs by the target year of 2015.”
The
footnote to that summarises the situation succinctly. It states:
“‘Sub-Saharan Africa, most dramatically, has been in a downward spiral of
AIDS, resurgent malaria, falling food output per person, deteriorating
shelter conditions, and environmental degradation, so that most countries
in Africa are far off track to achieve most of the Goals’. [The region]
‘has the highest rate of undernourishment . . . the lowest primary
enrolment rates . . . [with the highest] gender disparity . . . The
HIV/AIDS crisis is devastating much of the continent . . . The region also
has the highest TB incidence in the world and the highest maternal and
child mortality ratios . . . Progress in access to safe drinking water,
though more promising, is still too slow to achieve the MDG targets.
Without sustained support, Sub-Saharan Africa is unlikely to meet any of
the Goals’.”
That was
from the UN millennium project report of January 2005.
I know
that we are here to discuss putting structures in place to change the
situation detailed in that report. It confirms that little progress has
been made from the original millennium summit in 2000 until January this
year. The hon. Member for St. Ives gave some staggering statistics about
the dates by which some of the goals would be met—they are 100 or 150
years away. The “universal primary education in sub-Saharan
Africa”
target looks as though it will be met by 2133. The “halving the number of
people living on less than $1 a day” target will be met by 2150. The
“reducing mortality of children under five by two thirds” target will be
met by 2165. The system, as it is currently being operated, is not
succeeding. That is of great concern.
One
concern of Conservative Members is that the European Union does not have a
good track record in this area and in getting aid to where it is needed
the most. I believe that 52 per cent. of EU aid money currently reaches
low-income countries, although I was encouraged by some of the Minister’s
responses and the fact that he felt the situation was changing. We are
also concerned about the direct budgetary support mechanism. It is clear
from the documents that we are discussing that the intention is to
increase direct budgetary support quite substantially, without the
necessary checks and balances, accountability and transparency that is
required, particularly when UK taxpayers’ money is being used for what
are, in theory, very good purposes.
Furthermore, as was rightly pointed out by my hon. Friend the Member for
Rugby and Kenilworth (Jeremy Wright), questions have to be raised about
how committed some of our EU partners are. I understand that some EU
countries, which shall remain nameless this afternoon, have not given any
aid to support those affected by the appalling natural disasters that
recently occurred in
Kashmir.
That is not a good precedent for attempting to raise additional funds to
be used for aid or for debt relief.
As I
said in one of my questions, the key to long-term sustainable success in
meeting millennium development goals and in making a serious inroad into
alleviating poverty must be the improvement of the international trading
situation. Creating other, different, protectionist blocks is not an
answer. We must break down existing protectionist blocks while
understanding that there needs to be a transition period through which
many of the developing nations need to pass before they can move to full
free trade.
My final
point is about the international finance facility, which is proposed to
frontload aid expenditure to meet the millennium development goals. It is
welcome that all EU countries and 42 countries elsewhere are supposed to
support the mechanism. Can the Minister confirm that they will do so? We
welcome the IFF for immunisation, which will result in $4 billion being
spent on immunisation over the next four years. However, there are
concerns about the impact that the IFF will have in future years. We must
ensure that the extra money that is generated through the aid system and
HIPC is used to meet the millennium development goals. It should not be
used for other purposes, as is currently happening.
Kelvin
Hopkins:
I, too, want to focus on trade and broader economic issues. That is what
is needed to help poor countries escape from their poverty and start to
move towards the kind of civilised life that we in the west take for
granted.
For
several decades, I have heard warm words from the European Union and its
predecessors about development and how they are helping poorer countries.
I remember, some years ago, discussing the Lomé agreement on trade as an
arrangement by which the third world could develop itself. The reality was
that we had the common external tariff against those countries. The Lomé
agreement tied them up in knots. For example, a country that produced
timber was not permitted to transform it into high-value-added products
and then export them to the European Union. They had to export the timber
so that we could have the benefit of the high-value-added production in
the European Union. That did not help those countries. I understand that
they could not even export logs to a second country nearby to be sawn into
planks so that the planks could be exported. That was the level of
control.
I
remember how during one of my attempts to become a parliamentary
candidate, I was asked what I thought of the renegotiated terms of the
Lomé agreement. At that time I knew what it was, and my sceptical views on
Europe were known. A colleague in the audience was trying to undermine my
credibility by asking me about it. I explained the agreement, but I
confessed that I was not familiar with the details of its renegotiated
terms. It has been replaced by the arrangements that we are discussing.
I do not
pretend to be au fait with all the detail in the documents, or the
technical details of the trading arrangements. However, I am aware that
poorer countries are subject to rules decided by rich countries, and that
they have to accept crumbs from the rich man’s table. If I were a Finance
Minister of a poor country such as Malawi, I should not accept them. I
should ask why we, a desperately poor country, should have to import
subsidised sugar from the European Union. I should say that I was going to
impose trade restrictions.
I
believe in protectionism in some respects. If a poor country is trying to
develop its economy, it wants to direct any consumer demand to its economy
and its producers to get the economy going. It does not want demand
leaking to imports and destroying its farmers and domestic producers.
If I
were that Finance Minister, I should say that I do not want to be forced
to accept expensive imports from developed countries, and that I want to
if necessary restrict them and develop our industries to produce for
ourselves. Only when poor and weak economies can take such steps will they
have a chance to develop.
Some
poor economies, including
Mozambique,
which are adjacent to richer countries, receive remittances from foreign
workers. In Pakistan, a high proportion of Kashmiris live on remittances
from their brethren who now live in the United Kingdom. They send back
vast sums of money to keep an essentially poor economy ticking over.
Another way that they survive is by providing soldiers for the military.
However, Kashmir’s economy is weak, and I should want to say to the rest
of the world that that is not acceptable.
The
World Trade Organisation and the IMF, however, are fixated by an almost
religious view of free trade and liberalisation. That is not correct or
right. I expect my hon. Friend the Minister not to respond in detail to
what I say, but at least to hear what I say, because I think that their
view is wrong.
It is
interesting that 40 years ago, countries such as Malaysia and some west
African countries were equal. Malaysia has been transformed, not simply by
accepting rules from outside, but by deciding internally such policies as
the devaluation of its currency. What a terrible thing to do.
When the
far east meltdown occurred in the late 1990s, the IMF, the WTO and the
World Bank said, “Whatever you do, don’t impose restrictions on trade,
don’t devalue your currency. Just let the market bring your economy back
to prosperity.” The Malaysian Government said, “On your bike,” imposed
exchange controls, devalued the currency and the economy bounced back in a
year. Good old Malaysia. That is what I would have done. However, that
policy broke all the rules and upset the world trade organisations—the
international institutions—because the Malaysian Government were not only
breaking the rules, but proving that breaking the rules worked.
Some
poorer countries ought to be allowed to take steps to help their own
economy. The papers suggest that the best way for those countries to
develop is for them to learn to help themselves. However, if they are
hamstrung by rules decided by rich countries that prevent them from
developing rapidly, they will not get far. Let them decide for themselves
what is appropriate for their country, and restrict imports from the rich
countries. Let them say that they are not going to import agricultural
products that they can produce themselves, and let them say to the world,
“If you want to help us, get rid of your export subsidies and allow our
agricultural products into your markets without restriction.” That would
be a fair and successful way of doing things and it is where I would
start.
I
appreciate that this is not flavour-of-the-month politics. Our leaders do
not currently subscribe to this view, but I do not believe that I am
wrong. As I say frequently in meetings, “Shoot me down in mid-sentence if
you think I’m talking nonsense.” I do not think that I am talking nonsense—[Laughter.]
But I may be.
I look
forward to a world where we finally accept that poor countries can decide
for themselves whether they accept imports from the developed world. They
should be able to say to us, “If you want to help us, accept our products
without restriction. Let us have a little bit of high-value-added
production in our country that we can export to yours.” It would not hurt
us at all if we had to close down a lot of our current agricultural
production. It would not matter; we could turn it all over to biofuels.
Biofuels are CO2 neutral and provide a good way of producing energy that
is environmentally sound. The energy has to be produced near the forest
for obvious reasons. We could turn over a lot of our agriculture to
biofuel production—we might even avoid having to have nuclear power if we
did that—and then we could import a lot of food from these countries.
Our
balance of trade problems are not with poor countries, but with other
developed countries. The UK’s massive balance of trade deficits are with
rich countries, not poor ones. If we have any trading problems, that is
where they are. Let us open our markets to poorer countries, allow them to
decide what is best for their economies and support them in that. Let us
see what happens.
Why do
we not just provide enough medicine for those countries to deal with all
of their AIDS problems? The global cost for rich countries would be a very
small drop in a very large ocean of money. We could do that if we had the
will, and when the EU starts to talk like that I shall take it more
seriously than I do at the moment. I am sorry that I am being so critical
and unkind to the EU, but I want to see effective action, not just warm
words.
Andrew
George:
The hon. Member for
Luton,
North obviously acts as a policy nursery for the Labour Government and no
doubt some of his ideas, given encouragement, might find their way into
future Labour manifestos in the decades to come.
Like the
hon. Member for
Boston
and Skegness (Mark Simmonds), I support the aspirations that the
Government have outlined, and I pay tribute to the leadership role that
they have provided in
Europe
and the G8. I do not question the sincerity of the Secretary of State or
the Minister with regard to their commitment to the causes for which they
have been upstanding.
However,
we can never be complacent about the enormous challenges that the global
community has to face. In my first question I tried to explain that the
millennium development goals will collectively take a millennium to
deliver, such is the state of the global response to the challenge. So far
behind are we, that we need to consider ways of treating those goals with
a great deal more urgency than the global community is at present.
A theme
that I tried to develop in my questions to the Minister was that the quest
to achieve the millennium development goals and all the other
international development aspirations is not in itself divorced from other
aspects of policy development, particularly with regard to trade. That is
why I am particularly concerned that the documents contain a small,
passing reference to the reform of the common agricultural policy, for
example, and bilateral agreements with regard to fisheries, but contain no
proper evidence that the European Union properly recognises the clear
connection between its failure to reform the common agricultural policy
effectively and assisting the achievement of the millennium development
goals. A similar thing applies to the impact of the bilateral fisheries
agreements—I am not talking about illegal fishing—on a large number of
fishing nations, particularly on the west coast of Africa, and on their
capacity to develop their coastal economies in order to help meet their
millennium development goals.
Although
the Minister defended the IMF, of which the UK is a board member, I hope
that he and the Government, in their negotiations with developing
countries, carefully consider the conditions that have been attached to
investments that have been made in developing countries, particularly with
regard to the development of the capacity of those Governments to achieve
the millennium development goals—especially in relation to health and
education. It is clear that in order to improve their capacity to deliver
AIDS, malaria and TB programmes and education programmes, those countries
need to employ a larger number of civil servants than they do at present.
However, the IMF continues to place a real cap on the freedom of those
Governments to make those additional appointments in order to achieve
those objectives. That may well be something that could be finessed
through negotiation. Perhaps the IMF may review the conditions attached to
the agreements between itself and those developing countries to ensure
that, where there are unhelpful restrictions, they can be lifted. However,
that is not what the Minister said today. I would like to hear him say
that the Government, as part of the board of the IMF, will use their
influence in the IMF to ensure that, where there appear to be
restrictions—Government officials and Ministers have spoken to me about
the impact of those IMF constraints—and where they clearly constrain the
ability of those developing countries to meet their goals, conditions can
be renegotiated.
The
international community clearly needs to respond to the issue of
governance and the issue of conflict in developing countries. A large
number of African countries have reached a boiling point where the
situation could become out of control or it could be contained. That is
important because in order to meet millennium development goals a stable
civil society is needed. To a very large extent, aid and debt relief
programmes are due to be delivered over time. We are providing the
finances to enable development to take place and I am content that
progress is likely to be made there, although I am not as content with
regard to trade. I am not convinced that the international community is
doing enough to establish stability in civil society. I compared the
amount of resources that has been put into the military action and
reconstruction in Iraq in the past three years with the tens of millions
of pounds that have been given to support the African Union troops in
Sudan.
The target of 7,700 in Darfur by the end of October has still not been
met. There is still a 1,000 shortfall, which is well short of where they
should be.
The
situation in Darfur is seriously running out of control. I am not saying
that it is liable to become another Rwanda, but the position is so serious
that the international community should revisit the African Union’s
mandate to ensure that it has the capacity and the resources to deal with
the situation and to protect vulnerable citizens, especially the millions
of displaced people in
Darfur.
Its troops must have the capacity—especially armoured personnel
carriers—to fulfil its mandate. My concern is that the Government and the
international community are not giving
Sudan
the priority that they otherwise would, because it is not Iraq.
I hope
that the Minister will reflect on the role of the European Union with
respect to reform of its common agricultural policy and its common
fisheries policy, under which bilateral fisheries agreements are being
established.
The hon.
Member for Pendle (Mr. Prentice) asked about the impact of the loss of
many overseas health workers in the UK. I accept the Minister’s words and
his reassurances that the UK Government are not engaged in recruitment
campaigns in developing countries that desperately need health workers,
but many private recruitment companies, some UK-based, still operate in
those countries and provide a supply of health workers for the NHS. I hope
that the Minister will accept that although there may be no Government
recruitment programme, there is a covert private company effort to recruit
health workers for the
UK.
Mr.
Thomas:
The point that I made to my hon. Friend the Member for Pendle was that we
have strengthened the code of practice on recruitment into the NHS to
include private sector agencies that supply NHS hospitals. As well as
taking measures on the code of practice, we also need to help developing
countries to strengthen their recruitment into their health service. That
is why our programme in
Malawi
of increasing substantially the salaries of doctors and nurses there is so
important.
Andrew
George:
I accept that, and I understand that there is also such a programme in
Uganda. That is welcome. Where that can be delivered, it is a welcome
addition, but it is not happening in all developing countries, many of
which still supply the NHS with health workers, particularly nurses. The
Minister cannot deny that. I hope that he will not feel that the
Government have solved that problem, and I hope that he will keep the
issue under review.
Mr.
Thomas:
I certainly have not solved the matter. One reason for going to Zambia and
Malawi with the Minister of State, Department of Health, my hon. Friend
the Member for Doncaster, Central (Ms Winterton), was specifically to look
at what else we can do collectively, perhaps through links between NHS
hospitals and hospitals in Malawi and Zambia—there are already some
established links—and how well our programme in Malawi for increasing
nurses’ salaries was going. In some developing countries, of which the
Philippines is one, where there is an excess in the number of health
workers available to them we have an agreement for them to supply nurses
for the NHS. The issue in the code of practice concerns those countries
with a shortage of health workers and we have sought significantly to
improve the problem while not accepting that we have solved it.
Andrew
George:
I am grateful for the Minister’s clarification.
The
primary issue, which the Minister highlighted to some extent in his
opening comments and in answer to some of the questions raised, is that if
there is a hierarchy for primary effort to achieve millennium development
goals, the top of that tree must be to get the trading relationship right.
It is important that, as we move towards the mandate on behalf of the
United Kingdom at the Hong Kong ministerial talks in late December, the
agenda is properly fleshed out. I hope that we have an opportunity to
debate it before the Trade Commissioner goes off to those talks because it
is a vital area and fundamental to the global community achieving its
millennium development goals in the longer term.
The
issues that need to be fleshed out include the EU honourably ensuring that
it opens up its markets, particularly for agricultural produce, because
developing countries have a particular emphasis on primary industries.
Opening up the EU’s market for agricultural produce is essential, as is
making sure that those talks recognise the distinction between appropriate
and responsible inward investment and western exploitation of developing
countries. This is not the forum in which to define the difference between
helpful inward investment and inappropriate and unhelpful exploitation of
developing countries. We all know of examples that exemplify the
distinction and the issue needs to be fleshed out in future debate.
UK-based
multinational companies certainly have an important role and I hope that
the Government will use their influence because some western companies are
operating successfully in developing countries but working cheek by jowl
with communities living in extreme poverty. The argument that simply
having multinational companies in a country inevitably means that everyone
in that country will be better off is not confirmed by many examples in
developing countries. I hope that the Government will have discussions
with multinational companies and make them fully aware of the United
Kingdom’s full commitment to achieving the millennium development goals,
and make them fully aware that those goals should be reflected in the
corporate social responsibility statements that guide their policies and
their own economic development in those countries.
Mr.
Thomas:
I am grateful for the opportunity to make the winding-up speech. Let me
begin by running through the points that the hon. Member for Boston and
Skegness made. He, together with the hon. Member for St. Ives, rightly
began with a cautionary note about the progress that has been made toward
millennium development goals, and the substantial progress necessary if we
are to get back on track. However, I must attach a cautionary note to
their cautionary note by pointing out that the headline target goal of
halving, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people living in
absolute poverty—on less than $1 a day—looks likely to be met globally.
Clearly, progress across the regions of the world is going to be uneven:
we are likely to meet that target because of progress being made in Asia,
but we are substantially off-track to meet the target in sub-Saharan
Africa.
Similarly, the global target to halve the proportion of people living
without access to safe water is on track to be achieved, but clearly,
elsewhere within the millennium development goals there is a whole series
of targets on which much more progress is needed. That may be on universal
primary education, as there are still about 120 million children of
primary school age out of school, or on the number of child deaths: while
it has been decreasing over the last two decades, there are still some 11
million children under the age of five dying each year. Often they die
from diseases and conditions that would have been entirely preventable had
they been living in a richer, more developed country.
Obviously, the continuing challenge of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, as we
discussed today, needs another cautionary note in terms of progress
itself, and in terms of progress in meeting other millennium development
goals.
I
recognise that the main opposition party has a continuing obsession with
attacking the European Community, although I recognise that may appeal to
certain of my hon. Friends. The European Community’s approach to
development systems has improved substantially over the last five years,
but we want more progress. In the discussions taking place on future
development co-operation funding, we are seeking to make the case for
better-quality aid and for more of that aid to go to the poorest countries
of the world.
Kelvin
Hopkins:
My hon. Friend is quite right that the main opposition party is critical
of the European Union, as indeed am I, but on entirely different grounds.
The Conservatives think it is too socialist; I think it is too
neo-liberal.
Mr.
Thomas:
I am not quite sure how to respond to that intervention from my hon.
Friend. Perhaps I should move swiftly onwards.
The hon.
Member for Boston and Skegness rightly said that we need to be careful
about how budget support is provided, but may I remind him and other hon.
Members that there are considerable audit requirements and that
considerable discussions take place with developing-country Governments
before budget support is provided? On occasion, we have suspended budget
support—perhaps where we have concerns about the direction of travel
regarding human rights in a particular country, if we think there has been
significant movement away from commitments that were given to us.
However,
one argument in favour of budget support relates to the issue raised by my
hon. Friend the Member for Loughborough on the quality of aid. In many
sub-Saharan countries, a huge number of different donor missions go in
wanting to talk about their particular projects or priorities. All have
perfectly good projects in mind, but they place a huge burden on the
developing-country Governments when the capacity of the civil service in
those countries is often relatively limited. We, as donors, need to
recognise the impact that our requests on such developing countries have
and try to offer aid in a more predictable way—albeit one that ensures,
rightly, that the money we offer is spent in an appropriate way on
tackling poverty, not lost through corruption.
The hon.
Member for Boston and Skegness asked again about the international finance
facility, following up his contribution in questions asked earlier. As I
said, we have launched the IFF for immunisations with a number of other
European countries. We believe that that will be a success, not only in
helping to tackle the number of children who die needlessly, but in
sending a signal about the quality of the IFF as a vehicle. We have the
support of France; we hope to persuade other countries to join us and
launch the scheme. That lobbying exercise continues.
When my
hon. Friend the Member for Luton, North was not attacking the European
Community directly, he talked, quite rightly, about the importance of
trade and how the CAP and export subsidies under it slow progress in
tackling millennium development goals. The reforms that have taken place
so far, which give our trade negotiator the ability to show movement from
the EU, are hugely important. The Government will continue to campaign for
more CAP reform: it cannot be right that 40 per cent. of the EU budget is
spent on a part of the budget that serves the needs of only 5 per cent. of
the population. Clearly progress has been made, but more is needed and we
will continue to make that case.
As well
as seeking to secure fairer trading rules, we also need to help developing
countries to benefit from them by addressing what economists call the
supply-side constraints on trade. We must help them to tackle issues
arising from a lack of good customs arrangements, issues relating to
business regulations so that it is easier to do business in-country and
the huge infrastructure constraints in many developing countries, which
also inhibit trade. One matter on which we got agreement at the G8 summit
in Gleneagles, and which was endorsed by the millennium review summit, is
the need to pull together an aid-for-trade package to do just that. We are
working on the details of that package, through the EU and with G8
colleagues.
Kelvin
Hopkins:
I agree in broad terms with my hon. Friend. One way for the developed
world to help the supply side would be to provide capital equipment
directly, particularly capital equipment that is not the last word in
modernisation—for example, old computers—and education. Providing
education direct to those countries is a key component of supply-side
development. It is clear that education has been crucial in countries such
as Malaysia.
Mr.
Thomas:
We must allow developing countries to make their own choices about the
type of equipment they need. That is why budget support could be a hugely
important vehicle. Projects that provide certain types of aid to
communities through non-governmental organisations have their place, but
if we want to develop the capacity of Governments to look after the
interests of their own people, substantial budget support is the route to
take.
We do
not support free trade per se. We want fair trade and a managed process of
opening up barriers to trade. That is why the special and differential
treatment measures for which we are campaigning to be part of the deal at
Hong Kong are so important.
The hon.
Member for St. Ives asked me again about the IMF. Fewer conditions have
been attached to its programmes as a result of the pressure that we have
put on it, and the position with the World Bank is similar. We will have
to see how the new World Bank and IMF arrangements work in practice. The
hon. Gentleman rightly referred to the important contribution that civil
society makes in helping to improve Governments. I am sure he is aware
that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State increased the budget that
we make available to small and medium-size NGOs by some 40 per cent. last
year.
There
must be partnership between developing countries and developed nations. On
the one hand, richer nations should provide more aid, more debt relief and
fairer access to their markets; on the other, developing nations should
improve the quality of governance that they offer their citizens, address
human rights issues and continue with anti-corruption measures.
I will
write to the hon. Gentleman on the point about fisheries and Senegal. On
big business, he rightly made the point that it has a responsibility. The
extractive industries transparency initiative, which my right hon. Friend
the Prime Minister launched in 2003, is helping to tackle the issue of the
resource curse, whereby countries with large extractive industries find
that, through corruption, those resources are lost for the fight against
poverty. Asking companies such as BP and Shell to publish what they pay
Governments, and Governments to publish what they receive from those
businesses, would allow parliamentarians, civil society and so on to track
what is on offer.
Lastly,
the hon. Gentleman made the justified point that the international
community needs to keep its attention on
Darfur.
We discussed that at the EU Development Ministers’ meeting last week.
International attention needs to be maintained, and we will continue to
apply pressure. This has been a good year for development, but it is clear
that much more needs to be done.
Question
put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That the
Committee takes note of European Union Documents No. 8137/05, Commission
Communication on Policy Coherence for Development: Accelerating progress
towards attaining the Millennium Development Goals, No. 8138/05,
Commission Communication on Speeding up progress towards the Millennium
Development Goals—the European Union’s contribution, and No. 8139/05,
Commission Communication on Accelerating progress towards attaining the
Millennium Development Goals—Financing for Development and Aid
Effectiveness; and supports the Government’s view that the EU’s
recognition that its non-aid policies have an important impact on
developing countries’ prospects for growth and development, including
attaining the Millennium Development Goals; EU Member States’ commitments
to double annual EU aid to all developing countries by 2010, with at least
50 per cent. of the agreed increase going to
Africa,
and to achieve the 0.7 per cent. ODA/GNI target by 2015; and agreements on
increased aid effectiveness under the Paris Declaration, untying of aid,
trade-related assistance, multilateral debt relief and innovative
financing in line with the outcomes of the UN Millennium Review Summit to
take stock of progress towards the Millennium Development Goals.
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